Kerry O’Sullivan
Across virtually every society in the world, there is the universal presence of violence against women and female oppression. The intensity and manifestation of gender inequality varies depending on religion, cultural identity, class and race. This essay will discuss the culture of violence against women in East Jerusalem (EJ) , one of the most contested areas within Israel and perhaps the entire world. The region of the city has been annexed since the 1967 war, an internationally recognised and condemned illegal occupation. This creates a unique and undeniably difficult political landscape for women who call EJ home. The so- called “reproducers of Palestine” are the most vulnerable to Israel’s aggressive demographic policies- “the framing of the Palestinian womb as a weapon that must be contained” is indisputable evidence of the multi-faceted oppression of women in EJ. This perpetuates the necessity of evaluating recommendations around violence against women through an intersectional lens. The difficulty of living in a traditional cultural environment coupled with political instability and oppression under Israeli occupation means that violence is conducted not only physically but psychologically within EJ. Through this analysis, this piece highlights the lived experiences of victims as an example of the longstanding consequence of the Israeli occupation of EJ. This is clear through not only the weakness of institutional aid but the unintended impact that Israeli occupation has on masculinity and authority within EJ and wider Palestine, a tangible reason behind the rise in domestic violence in the region.
Within EJ, there is evidence of “routine and systematic violence” in both the international and domestic sphere. It is impossible to acknowledge one without acknowledging the other, as they work in tandem to create a tense environment. A 2019 survey by the Palestinian Central Bureau reported that 29% of women who were or had been previously married in EJ had experienced a violence. Much of the literature surrounding this figure agrees it can be attributed to three factors: inherited patriarchal culture, laws discriminating against women (or lack of laws providing adequate protection) and the Israeli occupation.
The intersection of the intimate and private sphere is most pertinent through the discussion of the role of women in EJ. Nadera Shalboub Kevorkian perfectly encapsulates this complicated connection, “Gender violence is intimately connected to the sociopolitical context it takes place in.” This sentiment too, demands the rejection of Western conceptualisations of placing the blame on the predominantly conservativeculture of Palestinian society and a wider, rather simplistic commentary on Islam.. It instead calls on the acknowledgement of larger and more abstract theories of race and colonialism. It is tendentious to equate the experience of women in EJ with that of all women in traditional societies, when in reality oppressed women are not a homogenous group, and oppression can occur just as prevalently in so-called modern societies. The larger political factors and systems of neglect and oppression contribute to domestic spheres, permeating every aspect of society through both general political oppression and a crisis of masculinity in Palestine. By this same reasoning, it is possible to analyse the failures of the state in EJ with a bottom-up approach of analysing violence against women on both a local and global level.
Regarding how the Israeli occupation impacts domestic violence against women, in “Palestinian Women, Violence and the Peace Process”, Maria Holt examines the psychological consequences within EJ. The turn to terrorism and guerilla warfare; characteristic of traditionally masculine nationalist movements, along with the reality of statelessness, has resulted in an overarching loss of agency and control. It has been clear in many conflicts across the Middle East in recent years. The Arab Spring in 2011 is another example of the paradoxical attitudes of men during political revolutions and liberation movements. Within Egypt there wasan increase in sexual violence and a large regression in the treatment of women following the overthrow of Egypt’s then-president, Mubarak. There is a contradiction between masculinity based- nationalism and a desire for liberation. It is not conducive with “reactionary social-gender consciousness.” Liberation is a hollow goal and it should not encompass the liberation of all oppressed peoples.
This dichotomy of liberation, coupled with a distinct lack of infrastructure, overcrowded dwellings and oppressive conditions within daily life have created a crisis of masculinity in Palestine. , where women and their bodies are vessels for expressing male authority; where the majority feel no authority over much of their political reality.
UNFPA found that the problem heightened because of the dire economic conditions during the Covid-19 pandemic, with calls to domestic violence hotlines increased by 160%. The psychological result of occupation and constant conflict is damaging to women both physically and psychologically.
Women in EJ are not passive actors and do not also experience direct oppression because of the occupation, besides violence as an indirect result within the domestic sphere. Maternal mortality in conflict zones is a source of great concern, and EJ is no different. Experiencing a pregnancy constrained by a constantly militarised environment involving movement restrictions, strenuous ID checks and lengthy checkpoints creates a plethora of issues that have little desire to be resolved in EJ. The contentiousness of residency status means that often pregnant women cannot travel for fear of their newborn baby’s birth occurring in an undesignated area and therefore being denied residency in EJ. This is not to mention the physical risks, including demolition of homes, exposure to tear gas and direct violence from security personnel. In the period from 2000-2002, 52 women gave birth at military checkpoints. The politicisation of the female form and the view of pregnant women as security threats to the Israeli state is the ultimate dehumanisation of the experience of women and their children. It is as if the social impact of living within a militarised space further condones violence against the women of said zone.
Much of the reason behind violence against women prevailing in EJ also lies in intervention processes and the political nuance that prevents a successful system of protection’s implementation. According to a recent UNFPA report, EJ accounts for 37%of the population of Jerusalem, but is allocated around 10%of the infrastructural budget. This leaves a massive gap in services within the health sector and beyond, despite Israel being obliged to provide quality services in the region within the areas of administration, infrastructure and security since the Oslo accords of 1993. Palestinian organisations are forbidden from operating in the region and, as a result, the most vulnerable members of society are left to seek help from NGOs or engaging in self-help. The nuclear family is also cited as a source of support for female victims of violence, however if traditional values of the region prevail, this can provide more of a hindrance to women receiving the support that they need.
Should a woman be reliant on direct relatives, who are often the perpetrator’s family, it only heightens isolation for those seeking help. The fact also remains that most women do not report crimes to Israeli authorities under ideas of patriotism and loyalty for their communities; they do not want to be further stigmatised because of the inherent mistrust of power structures in EJ.
In terms of the operation of NGOs in EJ, the political challenges of operating in the area cannot go understated. The few organisations operating (Palestinian family planning and protection, Women’s Centre for Legal Aid and Counselling and Palestinian Counselling Centre) cite the complete lack of infrastructure, distinct lack of funding and staff shortages as obstacles to their operations.
These organisations run hotline services and try to establish safe spaces in hospitals with psychological services. There is also a programme of community participation where training of other residents in refugee camps takes place, removing the necessity for external actors and the need for NGOs to enter EJ. The services provided have a high rate of satisfaction among victims, however the bare minimum is not a sustainable approach if this problem is to be definitively tackled. There is little to no follow up service or institutional intervention.
The result, rather than the cause, is the concern of NGOs. The political reality and marginalisation processes in EJ impact violence against women. here is no financial sustainability of these operations, the institutional support mechanisms simply do not exist. For example, Aqbat Al-Khadilya centre in the Old City reports helping 98,339 women since its establishment with no protocol mechanisms in place for counselling or financial support. This means that the vital continuity of services post-reporting cannot take place as the demand is too high and the logistics of maintaining a functioning system is difficult due to lack of coordination between quickly changing staff members. The establishment of a stable and prevailing solution to the problem of violence against women in EJ cannot occur until there is the tentative establishment of political stability.
The legal aspect of tackling violence against women does not lie solely in residency status and ID procurement. As residents of EJ are not citizens of Israel but fall under its jurisdiction, they instead have permanent residency status. There is no Palestinian legislation to protect women from domestic violence. This means reporting and assessing cases occurs slowly, even when cases are reported to family protection units. The daily protection law has been stalled since 2016, leaving women vulnerable to violence with very little political determination to issue legislation to protect them. The power of access to a legal system victims of domestic violence could access would create a massive change to the daily lives of victims. Even when a case is reported to authorities, it can take up to a full year in the courts, with the victim susceptible to suffering even more violence in the interim, not to mention mental, social isolation and stigma within communities. This “complex political reality where Israeli law is only applied in areas under its jurisdiction and the Palestinian law is in Palestinian areas” culminates in the blind-spot of both jurisdictions lying in EJ and affecting the victims of violence against women there.
Recommendations around addressing violence against women in EJ all centre around discussions on what can be done about Israel’s geopolitical, socio-legal and bio-political goals in EJ. In order to have a tangible impact on the problem, it is pertinent to address the root causes and not the results. “Questions of women and peace and the meaning of peace for women cannot be separate from the broader question of relationships between men and women in all spheres of life and the family”, the domestic and political are not independent entities they are influential to one another The political and domestic violence suffered by the women of EJ creates a contradictory expectation of Palestinian society: liberator/ oppressor and cultural preserver work together to foster a tough environment for making logistical recommendations concerning violence against women. A mainstreaming of services must take place, systems must create ease around reporting that are cognizant of the political nuances in the region and above all, prioritise the protection of victims over political aspirations. The development of guidelines for staff, as well as a unified training and counselling process will also help to create a sense of continuity for victims in place of the informal and unsustainable approaches currently taking place, not to mention protect staff members and perhaps ease the problems of burnout and shortages. Another important recommendation cited in the UNFPA reportis the utilisation of online resources r to broaden contact with women who are suffering violence, to ensure that it is accessible regardless of financial status. Hotlines have been set up and proved successful in helping women, but online messaging and online counselling could be another useful tool when looking to tackle this issue.
Perhaps the most applicable response to this issue is the accountability of the state of Israel when it comes to addressing this crisis of human rights happening in EJ. If we are to view these women through an intersectional lens, their multilayered oppression requires swift and effective intervention. If Israel is to occupy and annex this territory, forbidding Palestinian organisations from providing services, then they are mandated to provide protection and vital services to this area too. There is solid proof through the dozens of women killed during domestic violence every year in not only EJ, but the West Bank and the Gaza strip that the onus cannot fall on the nuclear family and within the domestic sphere to ensure their protection. The association of Islam and traditional cultural values with the land of Palestine impede much local action around the role of women in the area. Though many residents of EJ seek liberation from the Israeli occupation, there is a contradiction in the treatment of women that is not simply a reflection of Palestinian societal values. It works in conjunction (and perhaps as a result) with the psychological impact of colonialism in EJ. The lack of agency felt by many creates an unfortunate outlet in women to express frustrations over military curfews, restrictions on movement and house demolitions. There are innumerable areas where Palestinian and Israeli cooperation should take place in order to protect those that are the most vulnerable, perhaps none more pertinent than the complicated situation in EJ. In an ideological sense, the use of the female form as a political battleground in the domestic sphere is an abstract problem that will not be solved by logistical and institutional means, though they can undoubtedly alleviate some of the current and grave dangers facing victims. It requires a more abstract acknowledgement and rejection of the structural forces of race, gender and colonialism. Until that day, the women of EJ, like millions of other women living in war zones around the world, will be at the mercy of universally socially constructed issues with little to no political determination towards confrontation.
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